Is College Education Worth It

Is College Education Worth It? Hailey Mulligan October 24, 2012 Organization Communication MG320 Is College Education Worth It? Getting a â€Å"good† job is not straightforward as it used to be. In past generations, someone in an entry-level position could work their way up the ladder simply through hard work and determination; whether or not one had credentials or a diploma mattered very little. This is not the case today. Higher education is now critical to obtaining a better job because the demand for skilled labor is rising.For this reason, the value that a degree offers is higher than that of one’s actual intelligence or merit. Furthermore, workers without college degrees will quickly be outpaced in position and salary by degree holders. Earning a college degree is no longer simply an option for potential job seekers, but a necessity for those wishing to advance in their careers. With the cost of postsecondary education rising in leaps and bounds, potential student s may wonder if the college education system is still worth investing in.Niall Ferguson (2012) states that at a sample of public colleges, average tuition and fees for in-state residents have risen by 25 percent since 2008; for private schools, these tuition and fees rose by 13 percent (p. 20). Similarly, over half (56 percent) of students are enrolled at four year schools with tuitions and fees of up to $9,000 a year with high-ranking institutions reporting costs upwards of $40,000 annually (Walker, 2010, p. 28). Although this cost has been offset for many students by the increase in government funding for education in the form of grants and entitlements, postsecondary expenses can be daunting.Yet, findings discussed later in this report reveal the vital importance of a college degree, not only in short-term job hunts but as a long-term investment over one’s lifetime. First, the demand for skilled labor has risen in America. According to Bound and Turner (2010), â€Å"colle giate attainment has not kept pace with increases in the demand for skilled workers in the United States† (p. 7). Although there has been a significant increase in the number of college attendees, the number of students actually completing a college degree has not increased proportionately (p. 7).One possible argument for the rising demand of college graduates is the reduction of blue-collar jobs as this nation moves into a technology and information-based economic market (Carnevalle, 2006, p. 90). Bankston (2011) says this trend might be consistent with the argument that advances in technology have created a rising demand for advanced credentials (p. 337). Other authors cite examples of how â€Å"a new technology may require that people have a degree to provide a product or service for which a degree was unnecessary ten years ago† (Whitaker and Zenker, 2011, p. 21).Others argue, however, that demand for jobs that require a college degree is simply a self-perpetuating r esult of the increase in college graduates. In 1940, barely five percent of American’s held a college degree; by 2008 that number had risen to 30 percent (Bankston, 2011, p. 326). One author credits the rise of degree requirements to the growth of government subsidies in the market of postsecondary education (Bankston, 2011, p. 336). As the government gives more money in the form of Pell grants (which has now been deemed an entitlement), more students attend college and obtain degrees.Bankston reasons that â€Å"one would expect that as credentials flood the market, they will purchase fewer opportunities† (p. 336). Over time this may mean that the value of a college degree may diminish and the gap in income and job opportunities between graduates and non-graduates will decrease. (p. 336). It may also mean that having only a bachelor’s degree will not be enough to secure a comfortable career. Debra Stewart, president of the Council of Graduate Schools, claims tha t â€Å"over the course of a lifetime, people with master's degrees earn 18 percent more than those with baccalaureate degrees† (Loftus, 2012, p. 3). For now though, the rise of credentialed job seekers has led to the thought that higher education is an expectation for everyone.Because having a degree has become so common, employers now use it as a way to eliminate people who would not make good candidates for employment—even if a degree isn’t a totally accurate determinant of one’s talent or work skills. The mass availability of college education may actually â€Å"debase its intrinsic value† (Bankston, p. 338). Although someone without a degree may have more natural intelligence and ability than their credentialed ounterpart, a degree is now worth more than actual capability in the job market. Bankston writes that â€Å"the popular emphasis placed on higher education in a society in which higher education has become a broad expectation has heigh tened the importance of credentials as an asset for obtaining a job at the expense of other assets, such as demonstrated ability or experience in a field† (p. 337). A degree provides a form of merit that employers look for immediately because the degree marks the individual as someone who can supposedly meet deadlines, fulfill obligations, and think critically.Margolis (2007) remarks how â€Å"it was the common practice of my colleagues to immediately sift out the [resumes] that didn’t have a degree and just throw them away† (p. 42). Because many employers are searching through high volumes of resumes, they don’t have time to thoroughly look at every single one; they speed up the process by simply filtering out non-graduates. This point is exemplified further in the case of Marilee Jones. The former dean of admissions at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (M. I. T. ) quickly resigned after it was discovered she did not actually have the credentials listed on her resume (Kinsley, 2007).Even though she started as a clerical worker and advanced in position over 28 years to become the dean at this prestigious school, her talent and loyalty meant nothing once her padded resume was revealed (Kinsley, 2007). She simply lacked the paper qualifications M. I. T. based itself upon. Although these qualifications are all â€Å"artificial substitutes for real merit, sometimes the artificial substitute is unavoidable† (p. 34). The substitutes are unavoidable when employers, like colleges, do not have the time or ability to gather all the information necessary to determine who will be a successful employee.Even though Ms. Jones â€Å"demonstrated real merit† (p. 34), her paper merit—or lack thereof—ultimately determined her fate at M. I. T. A college degree stands in the place of ability when ability cannot be measured in a concrete way. Not only can the absence of a college degree inhibit one’s ability to o btain a job, it can also hinder one’s likelihood of advancement in a career. A degree increases one’s â€Å"marketability and maneuverability—without a degree, you’re flying by the seat of your pants† (Kinsley, 2007). Although one might find a job without a degree (based on connections, etc. , the degree provides a cushion. If this job were to be lost, a new job could readily be found because of one’s credentials. Furthermore, non-graduates â€Å"cap out† in their careers sooner than graduates. Kinsley notes that â€Å"you hit that ceiling where a high school diploma only gets you so far in a salary range† (p. 34). Bankston also documents the increasing gap since the 1950s in median wage incomes of Americans with and without college degrees (p. 337). The wage premium of a college degree over a high school diplomas increased by 83% since 1979 (Carnevale, 2006, p. 90).Non-graduates have less bargaining power in their positions be cause they are less valuable to their employer and may therefore be unable to take advantage of an increase in earnings or benefits (Kinsley, 2007). So stringent have the qualifications for employment become—arbitrarily or otherwise—that sometimes just having a diploma isn’t even enough. For example, employers are still wary about the quality of online degrees. Lynn Gresham (2008) notes a survey conducted by Vault. com that revealed â€Å"nearly two-thirds (63%) [of employers] still said that they would favor job candidates with degrees from traditional colleges† (p. 4). One hiring manager said they didn’t believe online degrees â€Å"reflect a serious commitment to education† (p. 24). Currently the perceived value of an online degree is less than that of degrees obtained from brick-and-mortar institutions. However, as more job candidates complete degrees online, employers’ views on their validity are slowing changing. For some, the c ompletion of an online degree shows that â€Å"the person is highly self-motivated to learn new skills and acquire knowledge through rigorous self-study methods† (p. 27). Today, the average American changes jobs eleven times during their adult life (U.S. Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012). For this reason, a person without a college degree would be devastatingly ill-equipped to survive in today’s job market because they lack the flexibility to move to new careers. In 2010, non-graduate workers experienced 10. 4 percent unemployment, while workers with at least a bachelor’s degree were only unemployed at 4. 7 percent (Whitaker and Zenker, 2011, p. 21-22). Employers still look to see if a job candidate has a degree, even if they exemplify significant intelligence.Doors of opportunity that remain open to degree holders will be closed for non-graduates and the ladder of advancement will only reach so high. Diplomas are a form of meritocracy neces sary in America, even if only arbitrarily. While the intrinsic value of a college education may be disappearing because of its mass production, its extrinsic value remains true. Despite its high costs, college is still one of the best investments a person can make in today’s highly competitive job market. Financially and opportunity-wise, obtaining a college education is still worth it.

Nayaka Is the Honarary Title of Boyar / Valmiki / Bedar People in India

Boyar=Mudiraj=Nayakar=Nayak=Naidu=Boya=Bhill=Valmiki=Rajput=Panwar =Talari=Besta=Bedar=Koli=Kirat=Ahir=Mahar=Muthuraja=Rajus=Koya=Bhoja= Bhoi=Gangawar=Gangaputra=Dorabidda=Pandu=Oddar=Vedar=Vettuvar= Vettaikarar=Patel=Pawar=Chola=Pandiya=Chera=Pallava=Dev=kannadiya nayakan=nayakkan=Panwar=Palayakarar=palegar=Kajal=Balija=Kample=Vettuva Gounder=Kannadia Okkaliga Gowder=Gawara=Chouhan=Parihar=Chalukkya= Kahar=Kohli=Bhil=Aryar [pic]Sri Valmiki Sage, Author of Ramayanam The above are same casteThe Nayak is honorary and hereditary title of the Boya Caste People in India, the word boya spelled in few types, those were Boyar,Boyer,Bhoya,Bhoyar,Bhoi,Boir and Bhoirs and they alias as Bedar, The Bedar means the hunters of mountaineers, so the mountaineers of boya people hold the hereditary title of Nayak. Madakari Nayaka or Madakari Nayaka V was the last ruler of Chitradurga, India. (Chitaldrug (‘ Spotted castle,' or ‘Umbrella rock'). — Chief town of the District of Chitaldr ug, Mysore State; 126 miles north-west of Bangalore. Lat. 14 14†² n. , long. 76 26†² e.Population (188 1) 4271. The modern town stands at the north-east base of a cluster of hills, covered with extensive fortifications. Many inscriptions have been found of the Chalukya, Ballala, and Vijayanagar dynasties. Local history commences with the family of the Chitaldrug palegdrs, who trace back to the 15th century. Their hereditary title was Nayak, and they claimed descent from the Bedar or Boya caste of hunters and mountaineers. They gradually extended their power on ail sides until they came into collision with Haidar Ali, who captured Chitaldrug in 1779. [pic]Chitradurga Fort   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   [pic]Madakari Nayaka Naik:— The word Naik (Nayaka, a leader or chief) is used, by the older writers on Southern India, in several senses. 1. The Native captain or headman. 2. A title of honour among Hindus in the Deccan. 3. The general name of the kings of Vijayanagara, and of the Lords of Madura and other places. 4 Naidu or Nayudu is a title of caste in India, returned at times of census by many Telugu classes, of Balija, Bestha, Boya, Ekari, Gavara, Golla, Kalingi, Kapu, Mutracha, and Velama.In Tamil Nadu, A Tamilian, when speaking of a Telugu person bearing this title, would call him Naicker or Naickan instead of Naidu. 5 The Telugu people in Tamilnadu and other regions are Balija, Boya, Ekari, Golla, Kavarai, Muttiriyan, Odde, Tottiyan, and Uppiliyan. 6 Bhoyar, Kawara (Gavara) and Kohrya come from Kohli. 7 The Kolis were found all over the Ahamadnagar district in Maharastra State in India and in the greatest numbers in the hilly sub-division of Akola. [The generally received explanation of the word Koli is clansmen from kul a clan as opposed to Kunbi the family man from kutumb a family.The mythic Brahmanic origin of the Kolis is that they are the same as the Kirats of the Purans, who are said to b e descendants of Nishadh who was born from the arm of Ven, a king of the Sun race. The Kolis claim as their mythic founder Valmiki the author of the Ramayan. Mackintosh in Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I, 201-202. ] Nagar Kolis belong to three classes: Panbharis or Malharis, Dhors and Mahadevs. 8 The titles of Boyar are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora, Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. 9 The word Boya will be indicating the Rajput and the clan of Chieftain.Clan of Raja or King Boyars in Maharastra Bhoi — a common term used as the designation of various classes vogue are engaged in boating, fishing, palanquin bearing and as domestic servants. In the Hyderabad Territory it includes several castes, such a* the Bestas and Gunlodus of Telingana, the Machinde and Maratha, Bhois of Marathawada, the Bhanare and Bendor of the Adilabad District, the Gangamasalu of the Carnatic and the Kahars, who are immigrants from Northern India. The etymology of the word ‘Bhoi' is uncertain.It is supposed to be a Telugu word, derived from ‘ Boya,' the name of an aboriginal tribe  ; but the derivation appears to be fictitious and has probably been suggested by the similarity of the names ‘Boya' and ‘Bhoi. ‘ No traditions are current regarding the origin of these people. The Hindu legislators differentiate the Bhoi (pattstika or bearers) from the Dhivar Kolis (kaivartaka or fishermen), the former being the offspring of a Brahman father and a Nishad mother, while the latter are descended from a Parasava father and an Ayogava mother.At the present day, however, the name ‘ Bhoi ‘ is used to denote all classes v/ho follow either profession. The Bhoi castes enumerated above differ widely from one an other in physical character and habits. The Telugu Bhois comprise two sub-castes, Besta and Gunlodu, who eat together but do not intermarry. They appear to have originally sprung from the same common stock, but have subsequently b ecome broken up into endogamous divisions by cause of their long profession of different tracts of earth. Bhoi — BestasThe Origin of Bestas, also called Parkitiwaru, are â€Å"mostly to be found in the Telugu Districts adjoining the Madras Presidency. The origin of their name is obscure. Some derive it from the Persian â€Å"Behishti,† but this derivation seems to be fanciful. The Bestas claim to be descended from Suti, the great expounder of the Mahabharata. Another legend traces their descent to Santan, the father of Bhisma by Ganga. These traditions, of course, throw no light upon the origin of the sub-caste. Their physical characteristics tend to mark them as Dravidians.Marriage — The Bestas profess to belong to, one gotra, Achantra^a, which is obviously inoperative in the regulation of their matrimonial alliances. Their marriages are governed by a system of exogamy consisting of family names. The following are some of the typical surnames of the caste  : — 1. Kattewadu (stick). 2. Nasuwadu. 3. Mamliwada (mango). 4. Shebelawadu. 5. Gantawadu (bell). 6. Badawadu. 7. Gundodu (ball). 8. Allewadu. 9. Pusawadu (beads). 10. GurebomoUu. 11. Chintawadu (tamarind). 12. Pamparollu. 13. Duntiwadu (pile). 14. Vemolollu. The exogamous sections are modeled on those of the other Telugu castes.The Bestas prohibit a man to marry a woman of his own section. No other section is a bar to marriage, provided he does not wed his aunt, his niece, or any of his first cousins except the daughter of his maternal uncle. A man may marry two sisters, or two brothers may many two sisters, the elder marrying the elder sister and the younger marrying the younger. Outsiders are not admitted into the caste. Besta girls are married before they have attamed the age of puberty  ; but sometimes, owing to the poverty of her parents, a girl's marriage is delayed till after the age of puberty.Girls are not devoted to temples, or married to deities. Should a girl tu rn out to be pregnant before marriage, her fault is condoned by her marriage with her lover, a fine being compulsory upon her parents by the caste Panchasat. Sexual indiscretion with an outsider is punished by expulsion from the caste. Conjugal relations commence even before rfie girl attains puberty, provided a special ceremony is performed on the occasion. A Besta girl on attaining teens is ceremonially unclean for five days.Polygamy is recognised theoretically to any limit, but is practically confined to two wives. The wedding ceremony is of the accepted type and closely corresponds to that in vogue among other Telugu castes of the same social standing. It takes place at the girl's house, under a booth made of eleven posts. The central post, muhurta medha, consists of a gukr branch (Ficus indicus) and is topped with a lamp which remains burning throughout the ceremony. The marriage procession is made on horseback. † A Brahman is employed as priest to conduct the wedding ser vice.Kanddn, or the formal gift of the bride, by her parents, to the bridegroom, is deemed to be the essential portion of the ceremony. † In the flaghali, which is celebrated on the fourth day after the wedding, the bridegroom, with a net in his hand, and the bride, with a bamboo basket, walk five times, round the polu. The panpu which follows is very interesting as, therein, the young couple are made to enact a pantomimic drama of married life. The final ceremonial is Wadihiyam, by which the bride is sent to her husband's house. The bride-price, varying in amount from Rs. to Rs. 12, is paid to the girl's parents. The Widow Marriage & Divorce — Widow marriage (Mar-mamu) is in vogue. The widow is not restricted in her choice of a second husband, save that she is not allowed to get married her late husband's younger or elder brother, nor any one who belongs to her husband's or her father's section. The sons of a widow are admitted to all the privileges enjoyed by the sons of a virgin wife. The ceremony is performed on a dark night, the widow bride being previously presented with a sari and choli and a sum of Rs.I ‘/4 for the purchase of bangles. A woman may be divorced on the ground of unchastity, the divorce being effected by the expulsion of the woman from the house, a little salt having been previously tied in her apron and the end of her garment having been removed from off her head. A separated woman is allowed to marry again by the same rite as a widow, on condition, however, that her second husband refunds to her first husband, half the expenses of her marriage as a spinster. The Inheritance — The Bestas follow the'Hindu law of inheritcjice.A sister's son, if made a son-in-law, is entitled to inherit his father- in-law's property, provided the latter dies without issue and the former performs his funeral obsequies. It is said that the eldest son gets an extra share, or jethanga, consisting of one bullock and Rs. 25. Religion. â⠂¬â€ The religion of the Bestas is a mixture of animism and orthodox Hinduism. They are divided, like other lower Telugu castes, between Vibhutidharis or Saivas, who follow the tenets of Aradhi Brahmans, and Tirraanidharis or Vaishanavas, who acknow- ledge Ayyawars as their gurus.Their tutelary deity is Veankatram alias Venkateshwara, worshipped every Saturday with contributions of sweetmeats and flowers, but the favourite and characteristic deity of the Bestas is Ganga, or the river goddess, worshipped by the whole caste, men, women and children, in the month of Ashada (July- August), when the rivers and streams are fleshed. The puja is done on the evening of the Thursday or Monday consequent to the full of the monsoons. The elders of the caste officiate as priests. They observe a fast during the day, and at about five in the evening resort to a place on the bank of a river at some distance from the village.A piece of ground is smeared over with cow-dung and four, devices represen ting, respectively, a crocodile, a fish, a tortoise and a female figure of Mari Mata (the goddess presiding over cholera), are drawn upon the ground over which sand has previously been strewn. These devices are professedly covered with flowers, kunkumam, turmeric powder and powdered limestone. In front of the figure of Mari Mata is placed a large bamboo tray, containing a square pan made of wheaten flour and a turmeric effigy of Gouramma.The flour pan is filled with six pounds of ghi, in which are lighted five lamps, one in the centre and one at each of the four corners. In front of Gouramma, and in the pan, are placed six bangles, a piece of cocoanut, a bodice, four annas, some areca nuts, betel-leaves, catechu and chunam(white cement). The bamboo plate is then rested on a wooden frame made of four pieces of pmgra wood (Erihrim indica), each two feet in length, and furnished with handles of split bamboo. After the worship is over, the priests, and as rnany of tKe male members as ar e able to touch the bamboo tray, lift it with the wooden frame and carry the . hole into the flooded river, plungmg into the water sometimes neck deep. After shendi (the fermented juice of the wild date palm) has been sprinkled on all sides, the bamboo tray is thrown into the flood to be floated away by the current. After the distribution of Prasad the multitude disperse. Women are not allowed to touch the goddess. At the Dassera festival the Bestas worship their nets, which they always regard with extreme reverence. When epidemics â€Å"pf cholera and smallpox break out, the Bestas make animal offerings to t^e Mari M4ta or Pochamma.Brahmans are employed for the worship of the great gods of the Hindu pantheon. Removal of the Dead — The Bestas bum their dead, with the head point to the south, but persons dying before marriage are buried. Women dying during childbirth are burned. The ashes are collected on the third day after cremation and thrown into the nearest stream. Marri ed agnates are mourned for eleven days  : the unmarried for five days only. Relations are fed on the 11th day after death. On the Mahalaya day, rice, gee and some money are offered to a Brahman in the name of the deceased ancestor.Ayyawars, in the event of the deceased being a Tirmani- dhari, and Jangams, should he be a Vibhutidhari, attend the funeral ceremonies. Societal Status — Socially, the Bestas rank above the Dhobi, Hajam, Waddar, Yerkala and lower unclean classes. Their social status is equal to that of the Mutrasis. They do not eat food cooked by a Jingar or a Panchadayi but will do so from the hands of the Mutrasi, Golla, Kapu Kurma and other castes of equal social to be standing. As far as their diet is concerned, they eat fowl, fish, mutton and the flesh of the crocodile, tortoise and lizard, but abstain from pork.They indulge freelj- in fermented and distilled liquors. They do not eat the leavings of other castes. Profession — The, original occupation o f the caste is fishing and palanquin bearing, but many of the members are engaged as domestic servants in Muhammadan and Hindu houses. A curious custom that prevails among them is that, when employed as palanquin bearers, they have their food cooked in one pfitce, sharing equally the expenditure incurred thereon  : at the time of meals the cooked food must be divided into exactly equal portions among the members, no matter what, their ages may be.Some of the Bestas have of late years taken to cultivation as 2 means of livelihood. Bhoi — Gunlodu The Gunlodu, also called Nilbandhu, or the dwellers on the river bank, are regularly originate in parts of the country where great rivers abound. Thus, they are found in the Nizamabad, Adilabad and Karimnagar Districts. They eat with the Bestas but do not intermarry with them, their exogamous sections are as follows  : — The Origin — The Nilbandhus give a singular account of their origin. The story runs thus: — There was one Narumani, who had a son by his mistress. traight away on his birth the boy was exposed, by his mother, on the seashore and when full grown was disowned by his father, but commanded to subsist by fishing in the sea  : since his profession bound him to the sea-shore, his descendants have been designated ‘ Nil-bandhus ‘ (nee/, water, and bhandu, bank), or those who live on river banks. The legend suggests that the Nilbandhus may be unlawful descendants of the Bestas, the great Telugu fishing caste. Their customs and usages are the same as those of the Bestas and need no separate description. 1.Maikalwaru 2. Chatarivaru 3. Tokalawaru 4. Budhawaru 5. Kondalawaru 6. Shavalawaru 7. Palikandawaru 8. Raghupatiwaru 9. Sitaralawaru 10. Dawalhawaru 11. Gamalawaru 12. Padigallawaru 13. Tupurwaru 14. Kalampalliwaru & 15. Maratha Bhois The Origin of the Maratha Bhois, as their name denotes, constitute the numerous members of the fishing caste of the Marathawada country , wliich includes all the Districts of the Aurangabad Subah and the Bidar and Usmanabad Districts of the Gulbarga Subah. In physical features and customs they differ markedly from the Telugu Bhois.They are divided into two endogamous groups — the Maratha proper and the Machinde — who eat together but do not intermarry. The Mciratha proper may be an off-shoot from the Maratha Kunbis, whom they closely resemble and from whom they are probably separated by having taken to the degraded occupation of fishing and litter bearing. Tiie Machinde Bhois claim to be descended from Machindranath, the chief disciple of Gorakhnath, the famous founder of the sect of Kanphate Jogis. This, however, gives no clue to the real origin of the sub-caste.Internal , Structure — The Maratha Bhois have a number of exogamous sections, consisting of family surnames, many of which are common to this caste and the Maratha Kunbis. The following are some of the commonest of them  : — 1. Adane 2. Lonare 3. Tamkhane 4. Landage 5. Nemade 6. Khandgale 7. Dake 8. Wankhile 9. Hirawe 10. Jirange 11. Kesapure 12. Jamdade 13. Kajale (Balija/Kajal) 14. Pabale 15. Bhujange 16. Kambale (Raja Kampalam / Hampi / Thotti Nayakar) 17. Surdushe 18. Satode 19. Bavne 20. Gavande (Tamil – Vettuva Gounder/ Kannadia   – Okkaliga gounder) 21. Bhadaskal 22. Ghone & 23. GhatmalThe Marriage — Marriages within the surname are banned. A man cannot marry the daughter of his maternal aunt or of his sister, though he may marry that of his irrational uncle. He rarely marries his paternal aunt's daughter, although such marriages are not prohibited by any tribal usage. Two sisters may be married to the same husband, or to two brothers, prejudged the elder sister is married to the elder brother and the younger sister to the younger. The Maratha Bhois marry their daughters Doth as infants, and as adults between the ages of' eight and twenty, and their sons between twelve and tw enty-five.Sexual intercourse before marriage is tolerated, but a girl taken in adultery is punished with a small fine. If she becomes pregnant before marriage her paramour is called upon to marry her, but in case he declines, she loses caste. Polygamy is permitted. In theory, there is no limit to the number of wives a man may have and it is not uncommon to find a man having more than one wife. The father of the boy, as a rule, takes the initiative towards the settlement of a marriage. At the betrothal, or ^nhu laoane, the girl is presented with a sari and the caste panch receiye, by right, Rs. from the boy's father for k^usali or drinking. ^ The DeOak, or marriage deity, is represented by twigs of the mango, saundad {Prosopis spicigera) and apta (Bauhinia racemosa), which are tied, with an axe and a wooden pestle, to the milk post (muhurta medha) of the marriage booth. Previous to the marriage, Virs (ancestral spirits) and the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur are propitiated by the sacri fice of a goat. The marriage procession is usually made on horseback, but occasionally on a bullock.Pamgrahana, or the gift of the bride to the bridegroom, forms the essential portion of the ceremony. In other respects it resembles that of the Maratha caste. A widow may marry again. Separation is permitted on the land of the wife's adultery, or if the couple cannot live in harmony. The Religion. — The Family worship is in full force and the souls of the departed are propitiated every Saturday by the elderly member of the family  ; the souls of adults are called Virs, those of children Munjas and of females Manvi. On the wedding day goats are sacrificed in honour of these spirits.The members of the caste are very scrupulous in the worship of these spirits, for it is firmly believed that if they neglect this worship they will never live in peace and happiness. Muhammadan pirs are also duly honored with animal sacrifices. Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purp oses. The dead are burned, but occasionally buried. Mourning is observed for 9 days, and on the 10th day Sradha is performed and the caste people are feasted. Sradha is also celebrated on the Pitra Amawas)a day and on the Ashatriti)a day.Machinde Bhois General Description — The Machinde Bhois are mostly fishermen, but are also engaged as palanquin bearers and domestic servants. The females soak and parch grain. The members of the caste use donkeys for carrying burdens and are hence looked down upon by the Telugu Bhois. The Maratha and Machinde Bois occupy the savie social rank among the Maratha castes as the Telugu Bhois do between the Telugu caste. They eat the flesh of fowl and sheep and drink spirituous and fermented liquors, but abstain from beef and pork.The Manne'ss and Customs — In the Adilabad District, especially in the Talukas of Jangaon, Rajura and Shirpur, Marathi-speaking Bhois are found, but these are entirely distinct in their manners and civilization fr om the Maratha Bhois of the Marathawada Districts. It appears that the former are the descendants of those Bhois who came with the Maratha conquerors, settled with them in the Berar and Nagpur provinces and subsequently immigrated to the neighbouring territory in H. H. tfjpe Nizam's Dominions. They are divided into two sub-castes, Bendore and Bhanare, who are said to eat with each other but not intermarry.These are broken into exogamous sections, which consist of family names resembling those of the local Maratha Kunbis. A man cannot marry a woman of his own section. He may marry the daughter of his mother's brother or his father's sister and two sisters may marry the same man, provided the elder is married first. Both infant and adult marriages are practiced by the caste. Sexual inter-course before marriage is tolerated, but punished with a small fine. If, however, the girl becomes pregnant before marriage, she is required to disclose the name of her seducer, who is forced to marry her by the caste council.Polygamy is allowed. The Marriage. — The marriage ceremony takes place towards sun- down, at the bridegroom's house, to which the girl is escorted in procession on horseback by her people. Under the marriage booth is a circular platform built of earth with a post of salai (Bostcellia thmijera) planted ^jn the centre. This central post is surrounded by earthen vessels, and the bride-groom facing the east and the bride facing ,the west, with the post in their middle, are wedded by a Brahman priest. A man of the washerman caste provides threads for marriage bracelets, which are tied by the bridal pair on each other's wrists.On the third day, the bridegroom dressed in the bride's clothes and the bride in the bridegroom's are paraded in march, after which they are mounted on the backs of their respective maternal uncles, who dance to the accompaniment of drums and go five times round the earthen platform. The ‘ bride-price ‘ to the amount of R s. 5, is paid to the girl's father. Re-marriage of widows is permitted and celebrated on a dark night of any month. Women are divorced and are subsequently allowed to marry again by the same rite ^s widows.The Religion and Funerals — Khudbhan, the favor deity of the caste, is worshipped every day. The other deities honored are the god Mahadeva of the Hindu pantheon and the animistic deity Pochamma, who presides over smallpox. The spirits of ancestors are also propitiated. The dead are either burnt or buried. When a person is on the point of death, ambil, or gruel, is poured into his mouth. Mourning is observed for 5 days. No Sradha ceremony is celebrated, but an image of the deceased is embossed on a meta plate and installed in the god's room.The societal Status and Occupation — Their social position may be determined by the fact that they will eat from the hands of the Kunbis, Malis, Dhangars and Kumbhars, while the Kunbis will recognize water only, but nothing else, from a member of the caste. The members of the caste eat the flesh of goats, sheep, fowls, hares, deer, scaly and scaleless fish and great lizards and drink spirits. Their hereditary occupation is fishing, palanquin bearing and working as domestic servants. Some of them have taken to cultivation. They have a caste Panchayat to which social disputes are referred. 10] Boyars in South India The Karnataka Boyars are said to be beda/valmiki and they belongs surya vamsi (solar race)in India,from whom sprang the following seven great clans of Bedars, bearing the names of their progenitors  : — 1. Nishadas, who hunted tigers, bears and wild boars and ate the flesh of buffaloes. 2. Sheras, who made a living by selling jungle roots, fruit and sandalwood {Sanialum album). 3. Kavangriyaris, who wore long hair and had their ear-lobes bored with large holes. They subsisted on the sale of bidla {Pterocarpus marsupium) and oyster shells. 4.Salikas, who were employed as day laborers in digg ing wells and tanks. 5. Ksharakaris, who made lime and salt. 6. Ansaris, who were fishermen and worked also as ferrymen. 7. Sheshatardharis, who were hunters and fowlers. All these seven clans were distinguished by their respective gotra names or badged — 1. Gojaldaru or Gujjar. 2. Gosalru or Gurral. 3. Bhadmandalkaru. 4. Saranga Gunda Bahsarandlu or Sarang Gauda. 5. Tayarasamantaru or Tair Samant. 6. Pingal Rangamanya. 7. Rajadhiraj (Maharaja). This elaborate organisation appears to be traditional and to have no bearing upon the present social division of the tribe.The Early History — The Bedars were a Southern India tribe and came into the Decan under their leader Kalappa Naik early in the sixteenth century. They first settled at Adhoni and Dambala, situated in the Raichur Duab, which was then a bone of contention between Krishna Raylu, the king of Vijayanagaram, and Ismail Adil Shah, the Sultan of Bijapur. The Bedars, taking benefit of the disturbed times, raided an d plundered the country far and wide, so that, for the time being, they were tine terror of the surrounding districts. Partly by colonization and partly by conquest, they gradually extended their territories until, under Pam.Nayak 1. (1674-1695), they founded a State, and fixed their capital at Vakinagir, two miles west of Shorapur. Pam Naik was the bravest of the dynasty and helped Sikandar Adil Shah, the last of the Bijapur Sultans, in subduing his rebel nobles and in his wars with the Generals of Aurangzeb. The Sultan, in gratitude, granted him a magnificent jagir and conferred upon him all the insignia of royalty with the titles † Gajag Bahirand Gaddi Bahari Bahadur. † Pam Naik styled himself Raja, a title which has since descended to his successors.He organized the State, dividing it into provinces, over which he appointed Subedars. He was also a great builder, and raised new forts, constructed roads and tanks, and built stately temples. It was in his time that the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda were subdued by Aurangzeb. In his successor, Pid Naik Bahari (1695-1725 A. D. ), the power of the Bedars had reached its zenith. He strongly resisted the power of Aurangzeb, and defeated the Imperial forces in pitched battles. At last the Emperor took the field in person and besieged the Bedar strong-hold of Vakingira.The fort made a galant stand, but was reduced ultimately by Zulfikarkhan, the best of Aurangzeb's Generals. It was, however, retaken by the Bedars immediately on the departure of Aurangzeb. Pid Naik removed the seat of government from Vakingira to Shorapur, which he founded on a hill. He introduced many reforms and ruled the State in greater splendour than any of his predecessors. After a glorious reign of 31 years he died in 1726 A. D. The later history of the Shorapur Rajas is blended with that of the Nizams of Hyderabad, whom they acknowledged as their suzerain lords, paying an annual tribute of 1,45,000 rupees.Though brave, they wer e not able rulers and were not infrequently involved in the wars of the Nizams with the Marathas and other contemporary powers. The decline of the State had already commenced and was hastened by internal dissensions, mal-administration and reckless extravagance, until, after a brief revival under the administration of Colonel Meadows Taylor, it was confiscated out account of the rebellion of the Raja ‘-Venkatappa Naik against the British Government (1858), and ceded to H. H. the Nizam in 1860 A. D. The Internal Structure,— The in-house structure of the Bedars is very intricate.This is due, partly to the large area over which they are scattered, and partly to the different social levels that have been formed among them. Thus at the highest level are the Rajas and rich landholders who have, in every respect, understood the style of higher Hindu castes, while the lowest level is occupied by the bulk of the people who adhere to their aboriginal customs and usages and have f ew scruples in diet — eating beef, as well as cat and other in clean animals. The following endogamous groups are found among them  : — 1. badar or Naikulu (Valmika) Bedars. . Tanged Bedars. 3. Mangala Bedars. 4. Chakla Bedars. 5. Neech Bedars. 6. Basavi Bedars. 7. Ramoshi Bedars. 8. Jas Bedars. 9. Bedars (proper). Of these, the Naikulu sub-tribe, called also Naikulu Maklus, claim the highest rank and decline to hold any spiritual union either of food or of matrimony with the other sub-tribes. To this sub-tribe the Bedar Rajas of Shorapur and other principalities belong. The Mangala Bedars are barbers and the Chakla Bedars washermen to the Bedar tribes and have, in effect of their occupation, formed separate groups.Neech Bedars are known to abstain from eating fowl or drinking shendi, the fermented sap of the wild date palm. They do not touch the shendi tree, nor sit on a mat made of its leaves. Basavi Bedars are the progeny of Basavis, or Bedar girls dedicated to th e gods and brought up, subsequently, as prostitutes. They form a separate community comprising (1) children of unions, by regular marriage, between the sons and daughters of Basavis, (2) the children of Basatis themselves. ‘ While among other Bedar tribes Basavis are made in pursuance of vows otAncient family customs, among Basavi Bedars there is a rule under which each family is said to be bound to offer up one of its girls to this gods as Basavi. The daughters of Basaois, for whom husbands cannot be procured in their community, are wedded to swords or idols. On an auspicious day, the girl to be dedicated is taken, m procession, to the temple, bearing on her head a lighted lamp. After she has been made to hang a garland round the sword or the idol, a tali (mangalsutra) is tied round her neck and her marriage with the sword or the idol is complete.She is, thenceforward, allowed to consort with any man provided that he is not of a lower caste },han herself. A Basaoi girl is ent itled to share, equally with her brothers, the property of her father or mother. The euphemistic n,-me Basavi originally denoted girls who were dedicated to Ba^vanna, the deified founder of the Lingayit sect, but the title is, at the present day, borne by a girl dedicated to any god. The Ramoshi Bedars are found in large numbers in the Marathawada districts. They are, no doubt, a branch of Bedars who appear to have migrated to the Maratha country after their settlement in the Carnatic.This view is supported by a tradition which states that they came into Maharashtra under the five sons of Kalappa Naik. In their features and customs, but especially in their predatory tendencies, they have preserved the characteristics of their race. They . regard, with pride, the Raja of Shorapur as the head of their clan. Like their brethren in the Carnatic, they were highly valued for their military qualities, filled the armies of Shivaji and his successors, and distinguished themselves as brave so ldiers.During the last century they gave a good deal of trouble to British officers, but they have now settled down as industrious cultivators. Their social status among the Maratha castes is very low, for even their touch is regarded as unclean by the respectable classes. They appear to have broken off all connection with the Carnatic Bedars and form at present an independent group. They talk Marathi in their houses. The word ‘ Ramoshi ‘ is a local name and is supposed to be a corruption of Rama-vanshis â€Å"descendants of Rama† or of Ranwashis, meaning dwellers of foists. Bedars (proper) occupy the lowest † level among the tribe. They cling to their aboriginal usages, eating beef and canion and worshipping animistic deities. They carry Margamma Devi on their heads in a box, and subsist begging alms in her name. The Boyas, as the Bedars are designated in Telingana, are divided into (1) Sadar Boya and (2) Boya, corresponding to the Sadar Bedars and the Beda rs of the Carnatic. It is also said that they have only two main divisions (1) Nyas Byadrus, (2) Gugaru Byadrus, the members of which neither eat together nor intermarry.The Bedars are said to be divided into 101 exogamous sections, numbers of which are of the optimistic type, although the totems do not . appear to be respected. Marriage in one's own section is strictly forbidden, The marriage o4 two sisters to the same husband is permitted, provided the elder is carried first. Two brothers may marry two sisters and a man may marry the daughter of his elder sister. A member of a higher caste may gain admission into the Bedar community by paying a fine to the tribal Panchdat and by providing a feast for the members of the community.On the occasion, the proselyte is required to eat with them and next to have a betel nut cut on the tip of his tongue. After the meals he is required to remove all the plates. The Marriage — The Bedars get married their daughters either as infants, or after they have attained the age of puberty. Sexual indiscretions before marriage are tolerated and are condoned only by a slight punishment. Should a girl become pregnant before marriage her seducer is compelled to marry her. Cohabitation is permitted, even though the girl has not attained sexual maturity.Polygamy is recognized and a man may marry as many wives as his means allow him to maintain. The marriage ceremony of the Bedars comprises rituals which be in contact closely with those in use among other local castes. A suitable girl having been selected, and preliminary arrangements and ceremonies concluded, a marriage pandal of five pillars of shevri {Seshania ebgptiacd) is erected in the court-yard of the bridegroom's house. On the arrival of the bride at the bridegroom's house the bridal pair are seated on a platform, built, under the wedding bower, with ant-hill earth, and are rubbed over with turmeric pasted five married females.Previous to the wedding, four earthen vess els, filled with water, are set at the comers of a square space prepared outside the booth, and are connected with a cotton thread. A fifth vessel, also filled with water, is kept in the centre of the square, and covered with a burning lamp. The bridal pair, with their sisters, are seated opposite to this lamp, and made to undergo ceremonial ablution. Dressed in new wedding garments, with their brows adorned with bashing , and the ends of their clothes knotted together, he bride and bride-groom are led immediately to a seat under the booth and are wedded by Brahmans who hold an antipode (a silk curtain) between the pair, pronounce benedictory mantras and shower rice and grain over their heads. Mangalsutra, or the lucky bead necklace, is hanied round to be touched by the whole assembly, and tied, in the presence of the caste Panchayat, by the bridegroom round the bride's neck. The couple are then led round, making obeisance first to the gods, then to the Panchas and lastly to the eld erly relatives.The ceremony next in importance, and purely of a Kulachar character, is Bhrnnd, celebrated on the 3rd day after the wedding. A conical heap ei cooked rice, crested with twenty wheat cakes and a quantity of vegetables, is deposited on a piece of white cloth under the wedding pandal. Before this sacred heap, frankincense is burnt and offerings of eleven betel -leaves and nuts and eleven copper coins are made. After two handfuls of this food have been handed to the bridal pair, eleven married couples mix the food with sugar and ghee and eat it.After the meal is over, five of them touch, with their hands soiled with food, the bodies of the wedded pair who, thereupon, are required to cast away the lumps of food they held in their hands. The celebration of the Dandya ritual on the 4th day, and the bestowal of a feast to the relatives and friends, bring the nuptial proceedings to a close. It is said that Bedars abstain from drink during the four days of the marriage ceremony . Except among respectable families, a Bedar widow is allowed to marry again, but not the brother of her deceased husband.She may, however, re-marfy the husband of her elder sister. The price for a widfiw is Rs. 12 and is generally paid to her parents. The ceremony is of a, simple character. At night the parties repair to nanuman's temple, where the bride is presented with a new white sari, a choli (bodice) and some bangles. After the widow has put on these, her proposed husband ties pusti (a bead necklace) about her neck. The assembly then return to the bridegroom's house. Next day a feast is given to the members of the tribe in honour of the event. Divorce — Divorce is recognized by those who allow their widows to re-marry.A divorced woman can claim alimony from the husband if it be the latter's fault that led to the divorce. If a woman goes wrong with a man of a lower caste she is turned out of her community. Liaison with a man of a higher caste is tolerated, and condoned only by a small fine. Divorced women are permitted to marry again by the same rite as widows. Inheritance. — In matters of inheritance, the Bedars follow the Hindu law. The usage of ChudaWand obtains between them. Under this usage the property is divided equally among wives, provided they have sons. A Basavi girl (dedicated to the gods) shares equally with her brothers.Religion — In point of religion, the Bedars are divided into Vaishanavas and Saivas. The Vaishnavas worship Vishnu and his incarnations of Rama and Shri Vyankatesh. The Shivas pay homage to the god Siva and generally abstain from all work on Mondays, in honour of the deity. Some of the Bedars follow the tenets of Lingayitism, do reverence to Basava in the form of a bull, and employ jangams as their priests. The favorite deity with Basavi Bedars is Shri Krishna, in whose honour a great festival is held on the Janmashtami day (the 8th of the light half of Shravana). xcept the special deities of the tribe a re Hanuman and Ellama, worshipped on Saturday, when the Bedars abstain from flesh. Their principal festivals are Dassera in Aswin (October- November) and Basant Panchmi in Magh (February-March), which are celebrated with great pomp and ceremony. Pochamma (the smallpox deity), Mariamma (the goddess presiding over cholera), Maisamma, Balamma, Nagamwia (the serpent* goddess) and a host of minor gods and spirits are also appeased with offerings of' animals. The worship of departed souls is said to prevail among the tribe.Child Birth A woman, after child-birth, is unclean for five days. As soon as the child is born, its umbilical cord is cut by the mid- wife, and buried underground on the 3rd day after birth. Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purposes. Disposal of the Dead — The Vaishanava Bedars burn their dead in a lying posture, while the Saivas bury them in a sitting posture with the face turned towards the east. Members of respectable families perform Srddha on the 12th and 13th days, and generally conform to the funeral rites in vogue among the Brahmins.Social Status — The social status of the Bedars is not easy to define. The huge Zamindars and Rajas occupy an† eminent position in the caste and are looked upon with respect, while even the touch of the Ramoshi Bedars is regarded as unclean. Village wells are open to them for water and temples are open to them for worship. Concerning their diet they have few scruples — eating beef, pork, fowl, jackals, rats, lizards, wild cats, in short all animals except snakes, dogs and kites. They eat carrion and indulge freely' in spirituous and fermented liquors.They do not eat the leavings of any caste. Occupation. — The Bedars believe their original occupation to be hunting and military service. Peaceful times and the introduction of game laws have compelled them to take to agriculture. They are also employed as village watchmen and messengers and discharge their duties faithfully. As agriculturists, a few have risen to the position of great land-lords and jdgirdars. The bulk are either occupancy and non-occupancy riots or landless day-laborers. Panchayat — The Bedars have a strong tribal Panchdyat known as Kattd.The head of the Panchayat is called Kattimani and has authority both in religious and social matters. All social, religious and ceremonial points and disputes are referred to this body for decision, and judgments passed by it are irrevocable and enforced on pain of loss of caste. A woman accused of adultery, or of eating food from a member of an inferior caste, is expelled from the community arfd is restored only on her head being shaved and the rap of her tongue branded with a live coal of the mi plant. [11]The Nayak Peoples having different identifications throughout the country to know them, they were as follows:- Koli, Nayaka, Boyar,Telaga, Bantu,Mudiraj,Mutrasi, Tenugollu,Bedaru,Gangaputra & Gangawar caste is known by differen t names in different parts of the country such as Mutharacha, MuthiRajuloo, Muthrasan, Muthirasi, Mudiraj, Naik, Bantu,Tellugode, Telaga, Thenogode, Talari, Koli etc. in Andhra Pradesh, asMuthirayar and Muthirayan in Tamilnadu, as Gangawar, Gangamatha, Bestha,Boya, Kabber, Kabbalgar and Gangaputra, Koli etc. in Karnataka and as Koli in northern parts of the country.The main occupation and profession of these people is fishing since ancient times. Anantaraman Commission categorized the Backward Classes under four groups. Aboriginal tribes, Vimukta jathis, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes are included in Group – A. 12 The Solar race koli people of boya palegar were ruled throughout the sound India by the honorary title of Nayaka, The valmiki said to be Balija / Balji / Gurusthula / Naidu, those people were ruled the Tanjavore, Madura and Vijayanagar. Origin Balija, Balji, Gurusthulu, Naidu. — A large trading persons.In the Central Provinces 1200 were enumerated in 191 1, excluding 1500 Perikis, who though really a sub-caste and not a very exalted one of Balijas, claim to be a separate caste. They are mostly returned from places where Madras troops have been stationed, as Nagpur, Jubbulpore and Raipur. The caste are frequently known as Naidu, a corruption of the Telugu word Nayakdu, a prince or leader. Their associates are supposed to have been Nayaks or kings of Madura, Tanjore and Vijayanagar. 13 Gulti – A section of Boya, members of which are to be found in Choolay, Madras City. 4 Boyars said to be Valmiki bhramana’s. ,[15] sadaru and lingayat were sub section of boya people. 16 The Boya people sub section known as Kal odder(stone and building workers), man odder(earth digging), Pai odder(mat) and bandi odder(cart). 17 BOYA NAYAKA’S IN CENTRAL PREVALENCE IN INDIA Two particular clans, the Surajvansi and Chandra or Somvansi, are named after the sun and moon respectively  ; and a few others, as the Sesodia, Kachhwaha, Gohil, B ais and Badgijjar, are recorded as being of the solar race, descended from Vishnu throughout his incarnation as Rama.The Rathors also claimed solar lineage, but this was not wholly conceded by the Bhats, and the Dikhits are assigned to the solar branch by their legends. The great clan of the Yadavas, of v/hom the present Jadon or Jadumand Bhatti Rajputs are representatives, was of the lunar (moon) race, tracing their descent from Krishna, though, as a matter of fact, Krishna was also an incarnation of Vishnu or the sun  ; and the Tuar or Tomara, as well as the Jit or Gete, the Rajput section of the modern Jats, who were considered to be branches of the Yadavas, would also be of the moon division.The Gautam and Bisen clans, who are not included in the thirty-six royal races, now claim lunar descent. Four clans, the Panwar, Chauhan, Chaluk)-a or Solankhi, and Parihar, had a different origin, being held to have been born through the agency of the gods from a fire- pit on the summit o f Mount Abu. They are therefore known as Agnikula or the fire races. (Kachhwaha, Gohil, Bais and Badgijjar, are recorded as being of the solar race, descended from Vishnu through his incarnation as Rama). 18 Maurya Kings were Solar or Sun Race people. 19 Place   : Punjab, Patna, Odissi, MysorePeriod  : Period Lanuages: Old Indic (Sanskrit, Prakrits) Rulers: Chandragupta Maurya, Bindusara, Ashoka the great, Dasaratha, Satadhanvan, Brihadratha. 20,21 The word of Bhoyar said to be Bhoir/ Mahajan/Patel and it has been arrived from the rajput of Panwar community and the the word of Bhor in bhoyar mean sun rice, and facing east, start to go east etc. The Bhoyar were segmented into four. Those were:- 1. Panwari 2. Dalewar 3. Chaurasia & 4. Dharia The boyars were done agriculture, and they dealt with other people and They can take food from only bhramins, and does not from others.The water will be taken from the equal peoples of boya, and the boya people will be named their child 10 to 12 names till the good one is suit and even it struggled then they have to fix the name of the child with the help of astrologer. 22 The boyars and the koli were the same community and they know the proper agriculture business with proper water cultivation by fixing paths. 23,24 The boya and koli people constructed the dam for the purpose of proper agriculture and fulfil the need of water in various purposes of living to the people of the country. 5 Dharia – from Dhar , the old name of Jubbulpore country,They were rajput’s and the same clan of Bhoya and the sub section were Balar, Mahar, Maratha, & Teli, Chadar & Kalia. 26 Dhokwar is Sub caste of bhoyar and Koli/Goli. 27 Panwar is Rajput vamse and Bhoyar and Banja is sub sections of panwar, furthermore the Ahir, Bhilala, Kosali, Maratha, and Marori were also generated from Panwar. 28 Ahir community called as Gaoli,Guala,Golkar,Gaolan,Rawat,Gahra, and Mahakul. The Golkars of Chanda may be derived from the Telugu Golars or graziers, the Ahir people known as koli and the same people till now ruling the Nepal.In many castes there is a separate division of AhIrs, such as the Ahir Sunars, Sutars, Lohars, Shimpis, Sails, Guraos and Kolis. The Lord Krishna Born in Ahir community, In Chanda the Gowaris are admittedly descended from the unions of Gonds and Ahirs, and one of their subcastes, the Gond- Gowaris)29 The Lord Krishna race is moon race, already we understood that the mothers kul considered for children birth in earlier days, just like the Mother Ganga name will be fixed for Bhima generations in Mahabharath purana, so till the Boya people known as Ganga putra, Ganga Matha, Gangawar/Gangavar etc. to identify the community in the common stock of the entire people in the country. It has not been forgotten that Krishna is sometimes given, on his father's sides, a solar pedigree  ; but it is as member of a lunar dynasty, the Jadons of Mathura, that he is chiefly celebrated. ) 30 The Bhoya and Korku P eople Base at Dhar City clan, The quotations previously given have shown how this virile clan of Rajputs travelled to the north, south and east from their own country in search of a livelihood. ll over the place they made their mark so that they live in history, but they paid no regard to the purity of their Rajput blood and took to themselves wives from the women of the country as they could get them. The Panwars of the Wainganga Valley have developed into a caste marrying among themselves. They have no subcastes but thirty-six exogamous sections. Some of these have the names of Rajput clans, while others are derived from villages, titles or names of offices, or from other castes.Among the titular names are Chaudhri (Velama/Kamma) (headman), Patlia (patel or chief officer of a village) and Sonwania (one who purifies offenders among the Gonds and other tribes). Among the names of other castes are Bopcha or Korku, Bhoyar (a caste of cultivators), Pardhi (hunter), Kohli (a local culti vating caste) and Sahria (from the Saonr tribe). These names indicate how freely they have intermarried. It is noticeable that the Bhoyars and Korkus of Betul both say that their ancestors were Panwars of Dhar, and the occurrence of both names among the Panwars of Balaghat may indicate that these castes also have some Panwar blood.Three names, Rahmat (kind), Turukh or Turk, and Farld (a well-known saint), are of Muhammadan origin, and indicate intermarriage in that quarter. Girls are usually, but not necessarily, married before adolescence. Occasionally a Panwar boy who cannot afford a regular wedding will enter his prospective father-in-law's house and serve him for a year or more, when he will obtain a daughter in marriage. And sometimes a girl will contract a liking for some man or boy of the caste and will go to his house, leaving her home. In such cases the parents accept the accomplished fact, and the couples are married.If the boy's parents refuse their consent they are tempo rarily put out of caste, and subsequently the neighbors will not pay them the customary visits on the occasions of family joys and grief’s. Even if a girl has lived with a man of another caste, as long as she has not borne a child, she may be re-admitted to the community on payment of such penalty as the elders may determine. If her own parents will not take her back, a man of the same gotra or section is appointed as her guardian and she can be married from his house.The ceremonies of a Panwar marriage are detailed. Marriage-sheds are erected at the houses both of the bride and bridegroom in accordance with the usual practice, and just before the wedding, parties are given at both houses; the village watchman brings the toraji or string of mango- leaves, which is hung round the marriage-shed in the manner of a triumphal arch, and in the evening the party assembles, the men sitting at one side of the shed and the women at the other.Presents of clothes are made to the child wh o is to be married, and the following song is sung: The mother of the bride grew angry and went away to the mango grove. Come soon, come quickly. Mother, it is tlie time for giving clothes. The father of the bridegroom has sent the bride a fold of cloth from his house, The fold of it is like the curve of the winnowing-fan, and there is a bodice decked with coral and pearls. Before the actual wedding the father of the bridegroom goes to the bride's house and gives her clothes and other presents, and the following is a specimen given by Mr.Muhammad Yusuf of the songs sung on this occasion: Five years old to-day is Bfija Bai the bride  ; Send word to the mother of the bridegroom  ; Her dress is too short, send for the Koshta, Husband  ; The Koshta came and wove a border to the dress. Afterwards the girl's father goes and makes parallel presents to the bridegroom. After many preliminary ceremonies the marriage procession proper sets forth, consisting of men only. Before the boy st arts his mother places her breast in his mouth; the maid-servants stand before him with vessels of water, and he puts a piece in each.During the journey songs are sung, of which the following is a specimen: The linseed and gram are in flower in Chait. O  ! the boy bridegroom is going to another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he go to another country  ? Make payment before he enters another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he cross the border of another country  ? Make payment before he crosses the border of another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he touch another's bower . Make payment before he touches another's bower  ; O Mother  ! how shall he bathe with strange water  ? Make payment before he bathes with strange water  ;O Mother  ! how may he eat another's baiiwat  ? â€Å"^ Make payment before he eats another's banwat  ; O Mother  ! how shall he marry another woman  ? He shall wed her holding the little finger of her left hand. The bridegroom's parties are forever driven to the marriage in bullock-carts, and when they approach the bride's village her people also come to meet them in carts. All the party then turns and race to the village, and the winner obtains much distinction. The cart men afterwards go to the bride- groom's father and he has to make them a present of from one to forty rupees.On arriving at the village the bridegroom is carried to Devi's shrine in a man's arms, while four other men hold a canopy over him, and from there to the marriage- shed. He touches a bamboo of this, and a man seated on the top pours turmeric and water over his head. Five men of the groom's party go to the bride's house carrying salt, and here their feet are washed and the tika or mark of anointing is made on their foreheads. Afterwards they carry rice in the same manner and with this is the wedding-rice, colored yellow with turmeric and known as the Lagun-gath. Before sunset the bridegroom goes to the bride's house for the wedding. Two baskets are hung before Dulha Deo's shrine inside the house, and the couples are seated in these with a cloth between them. The ends of their clothes are knotted, the four Agnikula or fire- born clans, the ‘’’Parihar, Chalukya or Solankhi, Panwar and Chauhan’’’, are considered to be the descendants of the White Hun and Gujar invaders of the fifth and sixth centuries. These clans were said to have been created by the gods from a firepit on the summit of Mount Abu for the re-birth of the Kshatriya caste after it had been exterminated by the slaughter of Parasurama the Brahman.And it has been suggested that this legend refers to the cruel massacres of the Huns, by which the bulk of the old aristocracy, then mainly buddhist, was wiped out; while the Huns and Gujars, one at least of whose leaders was a fervent adherent of Brahmanism and slaughtered the Buddhists of the Punjab, became the new fire-born clans on being absorbed into Hinduism. The name of the Huns is still retained in the Huna clan, now almost extinct. There remain the clans descended from the sun through Rama, and it would be points out that the Buddha here referred origin. o is probably the planet Mercury. 31 chalukya clan and rulers were Bhoya /Bhoi People and they have ruled the odissa desh in 16th centrury about 234 years by 12 kings were ruled the country. 32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39 The Boya village histry at Pali district at Rasjastan tell the history of boya and they known as Rajput. 40 Important history in the nayaka’s Prataprudradeva inherited a vast kingdom which was however fast declining. By that time the kingdom of Vijayanagar was rapidly rising as a rival of Orissa.In 1509 when The Solar Race, Prataprudra led a campaign against Vijayanagar, Krushnadeva Raya had just succeeded to the throne of other kingdom, but before a decisive battle was fought Sultan Allauddin Hussan Shah of Bengal invaded Orissa and advanced as far as her capital. So P rataprudradeva was forced to give up war with Vijayanagar and rushed back to his capital. Sultan Hussan Shah was defeated and was driven back beyond the borders of Orissa. But in the south Krishnadeva Raya acquired an easy victory over Orissan army. The last war Krishnadeva Raya with the army of Orissa was fought in 1519 and this time also he came out victorious.Durinmg this last war he is said to have burnt the city of Katak. Subsequently a treaty was concluded between Orissa and Vijayanagar in August 1519. According to the treaty the river Krishna formed the southern boundary of Orissa. Krishnadeva Raya married Jaganmohini, the daughter of Prataprudradeva. Prataprudradeva succeeded in retaining his kingdom from the Ganges to the Krishna inspite of military defeats. During his rule Orissa made great advancement in the sphere of religion and culture. Sri Chaitanya who came to Orissa in 1510 preached the gospel of Vaishnavism and had a great impact on the religion and culture of Oris sa. 41,42,43Markable Nayaka in Deity Services The Boya hunter Kannappa Nayanar donate his eyes to Lord Siva. 44,45,46 sree Bhaktha Kannappa/ Sree Kannappa Nayanar [pic] Sree bhaktha kannapa was known as boya thinnadu by his parants Temples of Boya Nayak Sree Poori Jeganathar Temple [pic] Sree Poori Jeganathar Temple, orissa, from 16th century to till now the Boya king trusties taking care of temple. 47,48 Sree Bhoya Konda Gangamma Temple [pic]   [pic] Gangamma Temple In Boyakonda , Chittoor Gangamma is the incarnation of Shakti. Located at Chowdepalli, Chittoor District, near Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh, her temple is dedicated to the sister of Venkateswara.Centuries ago the tribals Boyas and Yelikas lived in the forest area around the hillock. They stood up and resented the repressive and automatic rule of the Nawabs. They retaliated against the Muslim soldiers and chased them. The Golconda Nawab rushed additional troops to crush the revolt. Boya tribals could not withstand the onsl aught of the Muslim army and fled into the forest and prostrated near the hillock and prayed Almighty to save them. The spirit of the Goddess Shakti descended from the hillock, shielded the tribals and crushed the Nawab's army.Local people say that the Shakti has tied the heads of soldiers to banyan tree branches. 49 sree chenna Kesava Perumal Temple [pic] Sree Chenakesava temple , Kadavakallu. This village is about 20 km from Tadipatri on the Kondapuram-Goddumarri road in Putlur mandal, and also known as Kalava-Koladu and it was the seat of local chiefs, ie. Boya Palegars. The temple Chennakesava was constructed by Messa Thimma Naidu, a Boya palegar. The temple has garbhagriha, antrala ,mukhamandapa and faces west. are of Nagara order. The sikhara of this temple is decorated with stucco vainasanava sculptures.This temple is dated to 16th century A. D. 50 Role of Boya Nayaka's in Temple Developments The Boya Nayaka’s done many donations to the temple in various periods. 51 Im portant Boya Nayaka Politicians [pic] Dr. B. R. Ambedkar come from Mahar community and it was a sub section of Bhoya community. 52,53 References 1. People of India Uttar Pradesh Volume XLII Part Three edited by A Hasan & J C Das pages 1092 to 1094 Manohar Publications 2. People of India Uttar Pradesh Volume XLII Part Three edited by A Hasan & J C Das pages 1092 to 1094 Manohar Publications 3. Wilson Hunter (1885).The imperial gazetteer of India – Contributor: University of Massachusetts, Boston first1=William. 3. Trubner & co.. p. 428 location=London. Retrieved 2012-10-17. 4. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 138-139. Retrieved 2012-03-24. 5. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 138. Retrieved 2012-03-24. 6. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 139. Retrieved 2012-03-24. . The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. III. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 215. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 8. â€Å"CASTES†. Maharastra: Govt. of Maharastra. 2012. p. 1. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 9. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 187. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 10. CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS. I. BOMBAY: THE TIMES PRESS. 1920. p. 77-84. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 11. [http://archive. org/stream/cu31924088964154/cu31924088964154_djvu. xt THE CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS]. I. MADRAS: THE TIMES PRESS. 1920. p. 34-43. Retrieved 2012-10-24. 12. – CHANGE OF GROUP FROM ‘D’ TO GROUP ‘A’ IN THE LIST of B. C. s, MUDIRAJ, MUTRASI, TENUGOLLU CASTE (1994). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. pdf. Andhra Pradesh: Government Press. p. 1. Retrieved 2012-10-10. 13. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 108-112. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 14. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. II ( C to J ).Madras: Government Press. p. 308. Retrieved 2012-11-09. 15. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 187. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 16. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 185. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 17. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V ( M to P ). Madras: Government Press. p. 427. Retrieved 2012-11-09. 18. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. IV. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St.Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 413. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 19. CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA. 1 . Lucknow: The Upper India Publishing House ltd . ,. 1935. p. 29. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 20. â€Å"MAURYA DYNASTY†. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 21. â€Å"The Maurya Empire†. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 22. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 300-304. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 23. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. I. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 63. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 24.The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 300-304. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 25. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. III. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 493. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 26.

A Story Called Unconditional English Literature Essay

Very few minutes in life can convey a adult male to rupture on the happiest twenty-four hours of his life. The events that lead up to this twenty-four hours of extreme joy are filled with concern and uncertainty. We find ourselves worrying about the things that could travel absolutely incorrect and doubting our abilities to get by with the changing of our lives. One of these minutes is the twenty-four hours you are introduced to a new life. The twenty-four hours your kid is brought into this universe in all their flawlessness and inexperienced persons. On this twenty-four hours we learn the true definition of unconditioned love. I sat in a little infirmary room listening to the sounds of adult females shouting in child birth emanating through the door. Nervous and perspiration, I did my best to conceal my uncomfortableness as I tried to soothe the adult female that would convey my boy into this universe. She had been in labour for three yearss now. I knew she was in tormenting hurting and I would non allow her see the concern in my face. This proven hard as I struggled with my ain concerns and uncertainty. My focal point, nevertheless, was to stay unagitated and insure that she felt every bit comfy as possible while she went through the hurting of kid birth. My married woman, Arica, was in and out of slumber, non holding slept much in the past three yearss. The hurting would come with the contractions but as it subsided she would fall back asleep. It was in these minutes of remainder that I let my resoluteness, to conceal my concerns, faux pas and the grounds covered my face. Siting down to counterbalance for the overpowering weight that was on my shoulders I looked over at my female parent, who was besides at that place to see her grandson enter the universe, and she began to soothe me. Equally long as you do your best everything will turn out mulct. my female parent assured me. But before I could reply, I heard the small computing machine Begin to do the Tell narrative honking sounds that meant a contraction had started and immediately snapped back into comfort manner. As Arica began to groan in torment and submerge out the other shrieks that could be heard throughout the ward, I jumped back to my pess and rapidly grabbed her manus a s if I had neer allow it travel. The physician was in and out every 30 proceedingss to look into on her dilation and give a brief conjecture on how much longer it would be. I knew he had to be busy as it sounded like there were at least 3 other adult females giving birth. As the hours passed I began to happen it more hard to keep in my concerns inquiring the nurse Does it usually take this long? She replied with a smiling this kid is obstinate and cosy. She so assured me these things take clip. Feeling somewhat better I readied myself as I heard the bleeps coming from that small raging computing machine once more. At long last the physician re-entered the room and said, It s clip with a large smiling. Taking his small axial rotation about stool, he looked at me and said, You want to catch him? Confused and astounded that this would even come up, I remained quiet and every bit still as a marble statue. Then before I knew it I was being shunted into topographic point following to the physician. As Arica began to force I became more and more nervous. What was the physician believing? I had no experience in child birth. What if I drop him? I asked. Oh do nt worry about it said the physician I m right here if anything goes incorrect. As my kid began to coronate I knew it was merely a affair of clip before my unequal parturition accomplishments were put to the trial. Yet before I even had the clip to come to this decision my boy was dropping into my outstretched, towel covered custodies. Thankfully the physician was right following to me. I had non taken into history how slippery a new born kid was and as he slipped off from me the physician stepped in and took control. As I looked at this beautiful creative activity clip came to a hault. He was perfect in every manner. Certain he had a cone shaped caput and he was covered in blood, but I knew theses things would go through. I took in every characteristic of his bantam organic structure, from his bantam, wrinkled fingers to his outstandingly beautiful sky bluish eyes. What was likely seconds felt like an infinity and my boy was rapidly swooped out of my custodies. I wanted to protest at this indignation, but I rapidly realized that it was for the good of my boy. I took this minute to look at my married woman, whom I had stopped soothing after I was asked to show my kid catching abilities. I could see in her face the contemplation of my emotions. The absolute felicity and joy of this twenty-four hours would populate on timelessly in our Black Marias. I took her manus once more and tried to talk but establish my pharynx blocked. I told myself I would nt yield to cryings, but found myself fighting to keep them. I think she knew what I wanted to state because she smiled at me and nodded her caput. And at that really minute the cryings that I had been fighting to keep back came out like a waterfall. The following thing that happened took me wholly by surprise. Finally drawing myself back together, I noticed the physician transporting a five gallon pail. Showing my ignorance once more I asked What s that for? Smiling, he looked at me and said you will see . He moved his small axial rotation around stool and replaced it with this five gallon pail. Cocking my caput to the side in arrant confusion I looked once more toward my female parent for account, but she was paying attending to the newborn kid being cared for by the nursing staff. Before I could acquire her attending and inquire I heard the physician say all right one last good push . I turned back merely in clip to see a ball of what looked similar blood but thicker and about flesh like. Nasty! I exclaimed, holding been caught wholly off guard and unable to keep from shouting. My female parent hearing me turned about and scowled Charlie that was nt really nice . The physician began to laugh stating I thought you mi ght state something like that . After being taken to the nurses station, cleaned and checked by the physician my beautiful boy was laid into the weaponries of my married woman. I could see in her face the absolute love that was make fulling my bosom and psyche. Once once more tearful and unable to talk, I looked at the both of them lying in that infirmary bed and knew this would be one of the happiest yearss of my life. I eventually understood why my parents had put up with me through my rebellious and experimental old ages. There was perfectly nil this kid could make that would alter the manner I felt about him in this ageless minute of pure joy. On this twenty-four hours I was introduced to the proper usage of the commonly used term unconditioned love. Prior to this I had thought that the love that I felt for my married woman was unconditioned. However, I found the love we felt for one another was conditional common feelings. It relied on love and committedness which can melt over clip. This love, nevertheless, was unchanging, deathless, and neer stoping love. Nothing could alter the effortless love I felt toward this new life.

Pestle analysis for hybrid cars in US Coursework

Pestle analysis for hybrid cars in US - Coursework Example Politicians, in as early as 1990, have put emphasis on better environment; and thy showed concern for environmental pollution. The Clean Air Act was revised in 1990 and became tougher on emission norms (Wilson and Dilulio, 2008 p.561). Today, fuel is not only related to environmental issues, but also a concern for national security. In 2007 president Bush showed concern on America’s dependence on foreign petroleum. The present president, President Obama too is concerned. He wants to reduce the America’s ‘Addiction to foreign oil’. In 2009 Obama revised climatic policies and forced car makers to build more fuel efficient and pollution free cars (Tan et al, 2012, p.3). Presently the government provides tax benefits to the buyers of hybrid cars (Boone and Kurtz, 2013, p 75). From the above facts it is clear that political opinions and activities in the USA are very favourable for Hybrid cars. Tougher policy on vehicle emission means increased opportunities for zero or minimum emitting vehicles like hybrid cars. Economic Factors: There are some economic factors that can influence the hybrid car industry in the USA. America is largely dependent upon other countries for petroleum. If domestic fuel consumption is reduced US’s oil import will reduce. This will surely lessen US’s trade deficit (Tan et al, 2012, p.4). ... As hybrid cars are more fuel efficient people can save money on fuel (Miller and Stafford, 2020, p.38). However, a hybrid car costs more than a conventional car. Therefore, the initial high purchasing cost might discourage potential buyers of hybrid cars (Miller and Stafford, 2020, p.38). The government has made special budgetary allocations for new generation vehicles. This money is being spent on development of fuel-efficient and low-emission vehicles. This fact is an excellent encouragement for hybrid car industry (Tan et al, 2012, p.4). Therefore, it is clear that most of the economic factors can positively influence the US hybrid car industry. However, high price of hybrid cars might be a deterrent. Social Factors: The hybrid car industry could be influenced by several social factors. The environmental pollution is linked with social issues like health. Conventional cars that emit more harmful gases cause more damage to human health. Hybrid cars emit a negligible amount of these gases. Therefore they are seen as more human health-friendly. Moreover, hybrid cars are silent. Noise has negative impact on health. In this aspect too, hybrid cars promote better health (Tan et al, 2012, pp.4-5). Hybrid cars are now linked with social status. Reports show that US consumers buy greener products to improve social status. Consumers are even ready to ‘sacrifice luxury and performance to benefit from the perceived social status that comes from buying a product with a reduced environmental impact’ (Vaughan, 29 March, 2010). As hybrid cars are greener, owning a hybrid car will improve the owner’s social status (Vaughan, 29 March, 2010). Another social fact worth mentioning here is: women prefer electric cars.

Inventory Management Annotated Bibliography Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Inventory Management - Annotated Bibliography Example This book covers on the importance of keeping inventory which includes addressing time lags, seasonal demand, appreciation of value and facing uncertainties among others. Additionally, it covers on the special terms applied in inventory, inventory examples and principles of inventory proportionality. The book focuses at discussing the accounts for inventory in reference to the Generally Accepted Accounting Practices as well as Financial Accounting Standard Board. Additionally, the book covers the role of inventory accounting and the high-level inventory management that is applied by organizations. This book focuses at compiling most recently advances, concepts, ideas and challenges related to intelligent modeling as well as simulation frameworks and applications. While the first chapter looks at the important aspects of correct interpretation, other chapters cover the central theme of simulation frameworks. The book covers the cost concepts and terms, profit measurement, and cost accumulation for inventory valuation. Other inventory related concepts covered by the book include cost-volume-profit analysis, activity based costing, profitability analysis, taxation, information for planning, quantitative methods to management accounting and controlling of stock. This journal discusses the current topic related to management accounting that researchers and other academician can apply. Some of the notable areas covered by the text include research and development, capital budgeting, investment decision in modular manufacturing systems while applying critical thinking as well as decisions in information technology firms. This book covers the scope, applications and practices of management accounting. In addition, it defines the differences between management accounting and financial accountancy as well as the specific methodologies applied in management accounting including

A Life-Changing Moment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

A Life-Changing Moment - Essay Example It can be so huge to the extent of altering many lives and at the same time it can be so minute and unnoticeable; it can be effected over a period of time or in one single moment. In my case, change occurred in my life in one moment. The kind of life that I was used to was every child’s dream. I was used to the high life as my parents were well-off. My dad attended school in his youth and attained a degree in business management. Moreover, he even went farther and attained a master’s in the same field. This was late in the 1980s. With this kind of credentials, my father was a force to reckon with in the business world. His businesses were successful; he had a big house and a good family; he basically had everything going for him. My mother, on the other hand, was a medic. She was a fully trained and qualified doctor and her expertise in the field enabled her to begin her own practice. Michael’s was a household name in the state because of how they were flourishin g. We were 4 siblings and I was the last born in the family. Like any other last born, I was the spoiled one. Everything that I wanted, I was always given. I was the envy of my siblings as I was the perfect child. I never got in to trouble with my parents and we never engaged in any kind of feud. One day, I went about my normal routine preparing myself for school. In totality, it was a normal school day. After leaving the house, the driver routinely dropped my elder siblings to school and then went ahead to drive me to school. As I watched the outside through the window, everything was normal in the city. People were going about their businesses as usual. We all did not know the danger that awaited to befall the city in the next few moments. It could have never crossed my mind that such a catastrophe was going to happen, especially to the city. In just a fraction of time, the peace that traversed through the city was suddenly replaced by chaos and discomfort. Everyone was running fo r their lives; the traffic was chaotic. The big explosion that was succeeded by a short tremor sent rubble flying. Cars collided while others run in to the footpaths, trying to evade the rubble flying from the sky. All this was happening too fast. I was in so much shock that I couldn’t feel any kind of sensation. I was numb. The driver was trying to steer the car to safety, but suddenly everything went blur. For a few seconds all that ran through my mind was death; I could hear nothing but a shear piercing sound in my ears. When I came forth, I could smell fuel and smoke. I tried to tell the driver to get out of the car so we could run for safety, but it was too late: he was gone. I shook him hoping against the odds that I’d bring back the life to him, but it was too late. I had to save my own life. I had hit my forehead and blood was trickling down my left eye. I was staggering my way to safety. I did not have the energy in me but knew I had to do it to save my life. I became too drowsy and fell down. In my head, I knew that that was the moment. I was exhaling my last breath and bidding good-bye to the life I so cherished. In my moment of despair, I saw medics running towards me. At that moment, my heart was at rest; I knew I was safe. The last thing I remember was staring at the ambulance and passing out. I was not sure of the time when I fainted. When I came forth, I was on bed. It was not a hospital bed. I heaved a sigh of relief because I knew that I was home. I

Nursing assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Nursing - Assignment Example Meanwhile, public-private interventions include the 5-a-day Consortium. Methods used to analyze the intersectoral/interagency collaboration and public–private partnerships include the social determinants of health which analyze the units of interventions, intersectoral/interagency and inter-program relationships, public–private partnerships, and capacity to influence policy. Findings of the study found out that interviewees assumed that the price of fruits and vegetables is too high, particularly for the poorest among the population. Access to fruit and vegetable content of school meals are slow and availability of fresh fruit is scant. The 5-a-day Consortium has addressed acceptability and improvement of quality and access to fruits and vegetables. Despite proposed solutions to increase intake of fruits and vegetables among Chilean population and to enhanced partnerships between interlocal agencies and public and private sectors, conflicts between commercial and social interests still occur and created a significant effect on public policies. As documented by the WHO, increasing individual fruit and vegetable consumption to up to 600 g daily would reduce the worldwide burden of ischemic heart disease, ischemic stroke, esophageal, lung and colorectal cancer, cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes, chronic pulmonary obstructive diseases, and other chronic noncommunicable diseases. In addition, the study also affect the collaboration between interlocal agencies and different sectors as political actions are also important determinants of health in resolving issues related to oppression of underserved Chilean in terms of fruit and vegetable consumption. Based upon the social determinants/pathway of Chilean population, deep inequities are observed between income levels, ethnic groups, regions affecting mainly women, children and underemployed workers; food intake are affected by global trends in

Quality Engineering Management of 3D Printing Research Proposal

Quality Engineering Management of 3D Printing - Research Proposal Example The introduction of the 3D printer has been one of the most remarkable examples of technological advancements through which, the users are allowed to transform any form of digital file into a physical product of three-dimensional innovations. 3D printing is highly customizable and the users can produce their desired three-dimensional objects according to their choices. The development of 3D printing has served beneficial for various manufacturing industries, creative industries, as well as within the dimension of research and education. However, there are various challenges and problems of 3D printing technology, essential to solving in order to improve the quality of output, which will be discussed in the research study. 3D printing has contributed much to the industrial sectors and individuals with its technology through which, a digital file can easily be converted into a three dimensional object. However, there are certain problems encountered when implementing the technology tha t is negatively affecting the users to obtain a desired and reliable outcome. 3D printing is used almost in every manufacturing industry such as automobiles, apparels, aircraft and firearms among others.Moreover, the technology has also contributed much in the film industries for adding various special effects to creations, especially when developing animated movies. The problems in the technology of 3D printing will negatively influence the output produced by these industries that will ultimately affect the performance of the industries.

S there a genuine right to have children, and if so how far does it Term Paper

S there a genuine right to have children, and if so how far does it extend Explore either the question of an individual r - Term Paper Example This paper is a critical evaluation of the human’s natural right to have children as a comparative debate on different socio-economic and political scenarios of different countries. Genuineness of Right to Have Children This question is, perhaps, the most personal one for most people. Having a child is the most basic reason behind legitimate relationships between male and female by form of marriage in all the demographic groups. It is a subject under the religious and cultural jurisdiction of the mankind. Many societies, even if it is a part of an overpopulated country, have a greater speculation on the outcome of a marriage and they think it is the most basic success signal of an adult’s life. According to some suggestions, â€Å"associated with the right to marry is the right to have children, if one chooses, without arbitrary governmental interference.† (Keetley &Pettergrew 212). Since the term ‘marriage’ is a closer associate of religious and cul tural fashions of people, the need for respecting the expectations about marriage becomes a responsibility of the couple. In such a scenario, the need for relating this very question to the social and religious norms of civilized communities across the world is of prime importance. An exploration into the argument to support birth control policies and individual rights to decide the number of children should travel through the studies of different countries and cultural groups besides the influence of many ethical and religious factors facing the human life. Moreover, the entire world today is focusing on the reservations on unprepared pregnancies by adopting medical and spiritual measures to curb the problem of unwanted births for the safety of dignity of even the unborn children from being thrown to desperate living conditions owing to the present day social conditions. Social implications of birth rate rise According to Duane, from the political point of view, the standardization of the population of a country by limiting the birth rate is meant for its economic sustainability and the retained capability to provide educational and employment opportunities to its citizens. There are evidences of some developments in the field of classified breeding for a better generation in countries like America. If scientific approach to quality control of human community is an option for some countries, strict regulations on limiting the birth rate is a choice for countries like China, whose single child policy is a strong example of the government’s intervention in the individual choice of having children. However, there are drastic effects on the social balance when certain governments implement such policies. Situations in some countries worsen in the spiritual and social prospects along with the increasingly biased approach of parents towards girl children. Most people prefer a choice of male children for their assumed financial and social security concerns to girls by indirectly causing a dip in the sex ratio. From a humanistic perspective, it is the right endorsed to every individual to have the natural right to reproduce. All the developments in the world today are the result of such passages of generations.

Law question Essay Example for Free

Law question Essay Ali had an antique motorbike which he decided to sell. He parked the motorbike on his front lawn with a sign For sale- RM20,000. Ah Chong, who saw the sign, said to Ali that he would be prepared to buy the motorbike for RM15,000. Ali replied that the price is too low and suggested RM18,000. Ah Chong responded by asking if Ali would be prepared to accept payment of the RM18,000 in three monthly instalments of RM6,000 each. Ali replied that he would not. Ali then added, Anyway I am no longer interested in selling the motorbike to you. At that precise moment Ali spoke these words, a helicopter flew low overhead and drowned out his words. Ali did not bother to repeat what he had just said and was leaving when Ah Chong quickly agreed to the RM18,000 suggested earlier by Ali. Discuss whether there is a contract between Ali and Ah Chong. Explain whether your answer would be different if the helicopter flying overhead had not drowned out Alis words and Ah Chong heard what was said? Assignment Answer In this assignment, I would like to discuss the question above part by part. First of all, from the sentence , He parked the motorbike on his front lawn with a sign For sale- RM20,000, it is said that there was an invitation to trade. Invitation to treat or simply speaking information to bargain means a person inviting others to make an offer in order to create a binding contract. An example of invitation to treat is found in window shop displays and product advertisement. . In another words it is a special expression showing a person’s willingness to negotiate. The issue of invitation to treat was discussed in the case of Fisher v Bell[1961] 1 QB 394 by the English Court of Appeal : â€Å"It is perfectly clear that according to the ordinary law of contract the display of an article with a price on it in a shop window is merely an invitation to treat. It is in no sense an offer for sale the acceptance of which constitutes a contract. †[1]. An offer can be seen from the prescribed text, Ah Chong, who saw the sign, said to Ali that he would be prepared to buy the motorbike for RM15,000. It is stated in Section 2(a) Contracts Act 1950, when one person signifies to another his willingness to do or abstain from doing anything, with a view to obtaining the assent of that other to the act or abstinence, he is said to make a proposal. and Section 2(b) Contracts Act 1950,when the person to whom the proposal is made signifies his assent thereto, the proposal is said to be accepted :a proposal, when accepted, becomes a promise. . Both laws were applied when Ah Chong has shown his willingness to make an offer as he would be PREPARED to buy the motorbike for RM15,000. However, a counter offer was made by Ali when instead of accepting or rejecting Ah Chongs offer, Ali made another offer: Ali replied that the price is too low and suggested RM18,000. Ali’s offer refers to a counter offer. In this situation unless an acceptance is rendered, there is no binding contract between A and B. This situation is stated in Section 6(c) Contracts Act 1950- by the failure of the acceptor to fulfill a condition precedent to acceptance. There was famous case known as [2]Hyde v. Wrench, [1840] EWHC Ch J90 where Wrench (D) offered to sell his estate to Hyde for 1200 pounds and Hyde (P) declined. Wrench then made a final offer to sell the farm for 1000 pounds. Hyde in turn offered to purchase the property for 950 pounds and Wrench replied that he would consider the offer and give an answer within approximately two weeks. Wrench ultimately rejected the offer and the plaintiff immediately replied that he accepted Wrench’s earlier offer to sell the real estate for 1000 pounds. Wrench refused and Hyde sued for breach of contract and sought specific performance, contending that Wench’s offer had not been withdrawn prior to acceptance. The question or issue here is if one party makes an offer and the offeree makes a counteroffer, does the original offer remain open? Answer is No because a counteroffer negates the original offer. By making a counteroffer, the plaintiff rejected the original offer and he was not entitled to revive it. So in another words, the parties did not form a binding contract. Then we proceed to the next part where Ah Chong made a mere enquiry to Ali by asking if Ali would be prepared to accept payment of thr RM18,000 in three monthly instalments of RM6,000 each. Then, Ali replied that he would not. On top of that, Ali added that he is no longer interested in selling the motorbike to Ah Chong. Section 5(1) Contract Acts 1950 A proposal may be revoked at any time before the communication of its acceptance is complete as against the proposer, but not afterwards. This particular case [3][3]ROUTLEDGE V GRANT (1828) 4 BING 653 is another example of revocation of an offer : Grant wrote to Routledge offering to purchase the lease of his house. The offer was to remain open for six weeks. Grant then changed his mind about purchasing the lease and, within the six weeks, withdrew his offer. After Routledge had received Grant’s letter withdrawing the offer, he wrote back to Grant, within the six weeks, accepting Grant’s offer. The issue before the court was whether Grant could withdraw his offer within the six week period or whether he was bound contractually given that Routledge had accepted the offer within the timescale. The court held the offer could be withdrawn within the six week period without incurring any liability – if one party has six weeks to accept an offer, the other has six weeks to put an end to it. One party cannot be bound without the other. The case and scenario above convey an useful reminder that until such time as an offer is accepted, the offeror is free to revoke it, even if they have given the recipient a period of time to consider it. When Ali spoke : I am no longer interested in selling the motorbike to you. a helicopter flew and drowned his words. And yet, Ali did not bother to repeat what he just said and was leaving when Ah Chong quickly agreed to the RM18,000 suggested earlier by Ali. In this particular moment, Ali rejected Ah Chongs offer but according to Section 6(a) Contracts Act 1950- by the communication of notice of revocation by the proposer to the other party. It states that revocation os not effective until it is received, communicated. In fact, Ali himself reluctant to repeat what he said which is very important and vital in that situation. Here is one similar case, [4]Byrne v Van Tienhoven (1880) LR 5 CPD 344. In this case, Van Tienhoven offered to sell goods to Byrne by letter dated 1 October. On 8 October, prior to acceptance, Van Tienhoven posted a letter revoking the offer. This letter was received by Byrne on 20 October. In the meantime, on 11 October Byrne received the letter and dispatched an acceptance. Was there a contract? To be effective revocation must be communicated. Where post is used for acceptance, acceptance occurs when and where sent. However, this rule does not apply in relation to revocation of offers thus, if post is used for revocation, communication is only effective if and when it is received by the offeree. As this occurred after acceptance there was a contract formed in this case. An offer was containing a price escalation clause. A counter offer was then made without this clause; it contained a detachable receipt which the company sent back with a notation that they assumed it was on their terms. Thus, the intended message was failed to be received by Ah Chong, the offer has not been revocated. There is a contract between Ali and Ah Chong in this scenario. Section 6(a) Contracts Act 1950 obviously stated revocation must be actually communicated to the offeree before the offer can be treated as effectively revoked. Besides, Section 4(1) Contracts Act 1950- The communication of a proposal is complete when it comes to the knowledge of the person to whom it is made. Importance of conveying message has been shown when either offering or revocating an offer. On the other hand, if the helicopter flying overhead had not drowned out Alis words and Ah Chong heard what was said, outcomes definitely would be different. As was mentioned earlier, if the intended message was communicated or received by Ah Chong, revocation of the offer will succeed. In conclusion, communication is very crucial when conducting contracts or offerings as the outcomes and consequences can differ easily.